Hasbara's Sway Over Trump Admin.

niniveh

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It takes a judge to defend free speech.


State Dept. Official Says Criticism of Israel Can Lead to Visa Revocations
The head of the Bureau of Consular Affairs said his office regularly weighed criticism of Israel when determining whether to deny or revoke student visas.


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Students hold signs and the Palestinian flag outside a brick building.

A pro-Palestinian demonstration at Dartmouth College in New Hampshire in May. Credit...Caleb Kenna for The New York Times
Zach Montague
By Zach Montague
Reporting from Washington
July 18, 2025

A senior State Department official testified Friday that his office, which the Trump administration has tasked with vetting foreign students’ social media posts and revoking student visas, has operated this year without a working definition of “antisemitism” and routinely considers criticism of Israel as part of its work.
The testimony, at the end of a two-week trial focused on the Trump administration’s efforts to deport students such as Mahmoud Khalil, Rumeysa Ozturk and others, helped build the case by the academic groups behind the lawsuit, who have argued that the government systematically targeted students based on their remarks about Israel.
During a heated back-and-forth in Federal District Court in Boston, John Armstrong, the senior bureau official in the Bureau of Consular Affairs, said that the State Department regularly took into account speech or actions that it saw as hostile toward Israel.
Pushed for examples of things he might consider in weighing whether to deny or revoke a student’s visa, Mr. Armstrong testified that calls for limiting military aid to Israel or “denouncing Zionism” could all factor in his agency’s decisions.



“In your view, a statement criticizing Israel’s actions in Gaza could be covered depending on the statement, right?” asked Alexandra Conlon, a lawyer representing the organizations behind the lawsuit.
“Yes, depending on the statement, it could definitely,” he said. “You say that they’re worse than Hitler with what they’re doing in Gaza? — that would be a statement that, I think, would lead in that direction that you seem to be going, counselor.”
But Mr. Armstrong said the State Department did not conduct its reviews based on a common understanding of what qualified as “antisemitism.”
“I cannot remember a concrete piece of guidance,” he said. “It seems to me, there may have been some, but I do not remember a concrete cable where I can say, ‘This cable defines antisemitism.’”
Earlier in his testimony, Mr. Armstrong stressed repeatedly that he and his colleagues consider “the totality of the situation,” especially when making a recommendation to the secretary of state. In cases like that of Mr. Khalil — who is a lawful permanent resident — immigration laws required that Secretary of State Marco Rubio had to personally sign off on beginning a process to deport him.



At one point, Judge William G. Young, who is presiding over the trial, intervened to ask for clarity about how Mr. Armstrong himself determined whether certain statements or actions were antisemitic.
“In my opinion, antisemitism is unjustified views, biases or prejudices or actions against Jewish people — or Israel — that are the result of hatred towards them,” he said.
Mr. Armstrong did not say that his office had endeavored to deport noncitizens based on criticism of Israel alone. But he indicated that the office regularly took into account commentary that the groups behind the lawsuit have argued is protected by the First Amendment.
“In other words, in your understanding, antisemitism includes hatred or prejudice against Israel and Israeli people, right?” Ms. Conlon asked.
“Yes,” he replied.
“In my understanding, antisemites will sometimes try to hide their views and say they’re not against Jews — they’re just against Israel — which is a farcical argument, in my mind,” he added. “It’s just a dodge.”



The focus on antisemitism in higher education stemmed from a Trump executive order back in January directing federal agencies to guide colleges to “report activities by alien students and staff” that could be considered antisemitic or supportive of terrorism. Those reports could spur investigations and deportations.
At various points on Friday, Mr. Armstrong appeared to bristle at Ms. Conlon’s questions, contending that her cross-examination minimized the gravity of the situation.
“This is not a mundane thing,” he said. “If we get this wrong, we get the Molotov cocktail attack in Colorado. If we get these sort of things wrong, you get the Boston bomber. If we get this stuff wrong, you get 9/11.”
“This is very serious stuff, counselor, and I don’t think you realize this,” he said.
But Mr. Armstrong’s description of his agency’s work helped to support, at least in part, assertions made by the American Association of University Professors, which brought the lawsuit. The association has argued that individual arrests of students like Mr. Khalil, Ms. Ozturk and others were part of a larger policy.
In court on Thursday, Judge Young laid out his own thinking after listening to nearly two weeks of testimony.



While the government has repeatedly asserted that comments like those discussed on Friday were not only antisemitic but directly sympathetic to groups like Hamas and other terrorist organizations, Judge Young concluded they were not, and almost certainly constitute protected speech under the First Amendment.
“Criticism of the state of Israel, use of the words that I mentioned, does not — it’s political speech — it does not constitute pro-Hamas support,” he said. “Pro-Hamas support has to be something more than that.”
Zach Montague is a Times reporter covering the federal courts, including the legal disputes over the Trump administration’s agenda.
 

niniveh

Well-known member
Jun 8, 2009
1,503
674
113
It takes a judge to defend free speech.


State Dept. Official Says Criticism of Israel Can Lead to Visa Revocations
The head of the Bureau of Consular Affairs said his office regularly weighed criticism of Israel when determining whether to deny or revoke student visas.


Listen to this article · 5:27 min Learn more

  • Share full article

Students hold signs and the Palestinian flag outside a brick building.

A pro-Palestinian demonstration at Dartmouth College in New Hampshire in May. Credit...Caleb Kenna for The New York Times
Zach Montague
By Zach Montague
Reporting from Washington
July 18, 2025

A senior State Department official testified Friday that his office, which the Trump administration has tasked with vetting foreign students’ social media posts and revoking student visas, has operated this year without a working definition of “antisemitism” and routinely considers criticism of Israel as part of its work.
The testimony, at the end of a two-week trial focused on the Trump administration’s efforts to deport students such as Mahmoud Khalil, Rumeysa Ozturk and others, helped build the case by the academic groups behind the lawsuit, who have argued that the government systematically targeted students based on their remarks about Israel.
During a heated back-and-forth in Federal District Court in Boston, John Armstrong, the senior bureau official in the Bureau of Consular Affairs, said that the State Department regularly took into account speech or actions that it saw as hostile toward Israel.
Pushed for examples of things he might consider in weighing whether to deny or revoke a student’s visa, Mr. Armstrong testified that calls for limiting military aid to Israel or “denouncing Zionism” could all factor in his agency’s decisions.



“In your view, a statement criticizing Israel’s actions in Gaza could be covered depending on the statement, right?” asked Alexandra Conlon, a lawyer representing the organizations behind the lawsuit.
“Yes, depending on the statement, it could definitely,” he said. “You say that they’re worse than Hitler with what they’re doing in Gaza? — that would be a statement that, I think, would lead in that direction that you seem to be going, counselor.”
But Mr. Armstrong said the State Department did not conduct its reviews based on a common understanding of what qualified as “antisemitism.”
“I cannot remember a concrete piece of guidance,” he said. “It seems to me, there may have been some, but I do not remember a concrete cable where I can say, ‘This cable defines antisemitism.’”
Earlier in his testimony, Mr. Armstrong stressed repeatedly that he and his colleagues consider “the totality of the situation,” especially when making a recommendation to the secretary of state. In cases like that of Mr. Khalil — who is a lawful permanent resident — immigration laws required that Secretary of State Marco Rubio had to personally sign off on beginning a process to deport him.



At one point, Judge William G. Young, who is presiding over the trial, intervened to ask for clarity about how Mr. Armstrong himself determined whether certain statements or actions were antisemitic.
“In my opinion, antisemitism is unjustified views, biases or prejudices or actions against Jewish people — or Israel — that are the result of hatred towards them,” he said.
Mr. Armstrong did not say that his office had endeavored to deport noncitizens based on criticism of Israel alone. But he indicated that the office regularly took into account commentary that the groups behind the lawsuit have argued is protected by the First Amendment.
“In other words, in your understanding, antisemitism includes hatred or prejudice against Israel and Israeli people, right?” Ms. Conlon asked.
“Yes,” he replied.
“In my understanding, antisemites will sometimes try to hide their views and say they’re not against Jews — they’re just against Israel — which is a farcical argument, in my mind,” he added. “It’s just a dodge.”



The focus on antisemitism in higher education stemmed from a Trump executive order back in January directing federal agencies to guide colleges to “report activities by alien students and staff” that could be considered antisemitic or supportive of terrorism. Those reports could spur investigations and deportations.
At various points on Friday, Mr. Armstrong appeared to bristle at Ms. Conlon’s questions, contending that her cross-examination minimized the gravity of the situation.
“This is not a mundane thing,” he said. “If we get this wrong, we get the Molotov cocktail attack in Colorado. If we get these sort of things wrong, you get the Boston bomber. If we get this stuff wrong, you get 9/11.”
“This is very serious stuff, counselor, and I don’t think you realize this,” he said.
But Mr. Armstrong’s description of his agency’s work helped to support, at least in part, assertions made by the American Association of University Professors, which brought the lawsuit. The association has argued that individual arrests of students like Mr. Khalil, Ms. Ozturk and others were part of a larger policy.
In court on Thursday, Judge Young laid out his own thinking after listening to nearly two weeks of testimony.



While the government has repeatedly asserted that comments like those discussed on Friday were not only antisemitic but directly sympathetic to groups like Hamas and other terrorist organizations, Judge Young concluded they were not, and almost certainly constitute protected speech under the First Amendment.
“Criticism of the state of Israel, use of the words that I mentioned, does not — it’s political speech — it does not constitute pro-Hamas support,” he said. “Pro-Hamas support has to be something more than that.”
Zach Montague is a Times reporter covering the federal courts, including the legal disputes over the Trump administration’s agenda.
How It Works

Foreign Ministry to Fund Israel Tour for MAGA, America First pro-Trump Influencers


Jul 20, 2025 2:00 pm IDT

The Israeli Foreign Ministry will fund a tour of Israel for U.S. social media influencers affiliated with the Make America Great Again and America First brands of conservatism, which represent a significant portion of President Donald Trump's voter base.
 
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southpaw

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The Israeli Foreign Ministry will fund a tour of Israel for U.S. social media influencers affiliated with the Make America Israel Great Again and America First Second brands of conservatism,
Fixed it for you.
 

niniveh

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Fixed it for you.
Even The Dutch Have Come Around!



Netherlands labels Israel ‘threat to national security’ for first time
A leading Dutch counterterrorism agency says Israel and the US pose a threat to The Hague, while accusing Tel Aviv of trying to manipulate public opinion and policy in the country
News Desk
JUL 27, 2025
(Photo credit: AP/Peter Dejong)
The Netherlands has, for the first time, included Israel on a list of states which pose a threat to its national security, according to a report from the Dutch National Coordinator for Security and Counterterrorism (NCTV) – the country’s main counterterrorism agency.
The report bears the title Assessment of Threats from State Actors.
It notes that Israel has made efforts to manipulate and influence public opinion and policy in the Netherlands, via disinformation campaigns.
According to the Dutch report, an Israeli ministry circulated a document to journalists and officials in the Netherlands last year, which included personal details of Dutch citizens.
This took place after fans of the Israeli football team Maccabi Tel Aviv carried out provocative acts after their team lost a match in Amsterdam in November 2024, triggering tension and clashes with locals.
The report by the Dutch agency also noted concerns over threats against the International Criminal Court at The Hague, from both Washington and Tel Aviv. It said these threats could negatively affect the court’s work.
Israel has long posed a threat to the ICC. According to a report by The Guardian from May last year, Tel Aviv has waged a years-long intimidation campaign against the ICC, which included the “stalking” and “threatening” of its officials in a bid to stifle investigations into Israeli war crimes.
Since the court issued arrest warrants against Israel’s premier and former defense minister last year, Washington has imposed sanctions on the ICC.
Israel and the US are not signatories of the 1998 Rome Statute nor members of the ICC.
The American Servicemembers' Protection Act of 2002, nicknamed the "Hague Invasion Act," authorizes a US president to use "all means necessary and appropriate" to free any US or allied personnel detained by the ICC. This includes the potential use of military force. The law also restricts US cooperation with and support for the ICC.
The Dutch Assessment of Threats from State Actors notes that the Netherlands has a “special responsibility” to protect the operations of the international legal institutions it hosts.
While the NCTV has previously listed Israeli spyware as a concern, this latest report does not include Israel in its espionage section.
Israeli spyware has infected the devices of millions across the planet, including journalists and activists. It has also been used as a tool for targeted assassinations.
 
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southpaw

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Even The Dutch Have Come Around!
Until Western countries cut off all diplomatic ties and stop doing business with this rogue state, its all hot air.
 
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Frankfooter

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niniveh

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Until Western countries cut off all diplomatic ties and stop doing business with this rogue state, its all hot air.


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The Information Warfare Consortium Shaping GHF’s PR Offensive
As the famine in Gaza becomes undeniable, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation has relied on strategic communications specialists to reassign blame and push a narrative of success.
Jul 30
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Chapin Fay in one of his videos as GHF’s spokesperson posted on the GHF’s X account on July 25, 2025 (Source: X / Twitter)
The U.S.- and Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) has been touted by the Trump administration as a “humanitarian” fix for food distribution in Gaza, even as Israeli forces have killed at least 1,239 Palestinians seeking aid, including more than 40 killed today, based on the Gaza Health Ministry’s figures. Israel has meanwhile engineered mass starvation in Gaza—exacerbated by the full-spectrum blockade imposed in March and militarized through the GHF takeover of “aid distribution” by late May.
Immediately after the GHF began its operations, starving Palestinians were killed by Israeli forces on a daily basis at, or near, GHF distribution hubs, where meager rations of food were located in remote militarized zones. Now that famine conditions have become undeniable, the GHF’s narrative has evolved from casting its operations as highly successful in distributing aid to also acknowledging the deteriorating situation, while the GHF continues to obfuscate its own role and deflect blame.
On July 29, GHF claimed on X that “A common misconception about GHF is that we were established to replace the @UN and traditional aid organizations. That is not the case.” They added that the GHF “secured a commitment from Israel to allow aid into Gaza under the existing mechanisms, including the UN.” But, on July 9, after an aid massacre, the GHF claimed that it had replaced the UN, stating “Hamas wants GHF out of Gaza and the UN back in so it can once again control the food supply.”
From the earliest days of the war, experts in offensive influence, public relations, and crisis communications have worked to delegitimize Gaza’s existing UN aid network, casting it as corrupt and ineffective. Earlier this year, they promoted replacing it with GHF’s militarized system that was aligned with Israeli political aims and asserted the GHF’s role as a “humanitarian” organization—and as the only safe and scalable solution for delivering aid across the enclave. Since its launch, a persistent information warfare apparatus has been operating behind the scenes to manage public perception and preserve the GHF’s function as an instrument of Israeli policy.
On July 17, the GHF’s X account posted a graph purporting to show a “predictive pattern: the more meals GHF delivered, the more it was attacked in media and online chatter.” The account alternated between celebrating its supposed success in delivering millions of meals, attacking the media, dismissing “Hamas disinformation” about the near-daily massacres around aid sites, and accusing the UN of being at once infiltrated by Hamas, incapable of delivering aid, and unwilling to cooperate.
Then, on July 22, as images and testimony of starving Palestinians made international headlines, a GHF post on X featured a letter to the UN from its director, Johnnie Moore—a Trump-allied evangelical minister and public relations professional—that said: “The humanitarian situation in Gaza continues to deteriorate.” Moore then bemoaned the closure of 400 UN aid points across the enclave—the ones shut down by Israel and replaced by the GHF—and he claimed that aid trucks were sitting idle and food was expiring, while calling for “collaboration between GHF and UN aid efforts.”
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That same day, the far-right website Breitbart published an “exclusive” story about the idle trucks. An accompanying video features GHF spokesperson Chapin Fay standing in front of UN-marked trucks, claiming they were “laden with food and aid left to spoil.” He blamed the UN for failing to deliver the aid, adding it was not about access but about execution. The Breitbart story alleged that the UN “has an interest in GHF failing,” and that it “is no longer capable of delivering aid to Gaza, partly because its trucks are looted [by Hamas]—and partly because some of its drivers work with Hamas.” The video ends with an appeal to the UN “to work with the GHF, instead of against it.”
Hours later, the IDF’s International Spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Nadav Shoshan published an aerial video that he claimed showed “950 trucks worth of aid, currently waiting in Gaza for international organizations to pick up and distribute to Gazan civilians.”
Pro-Israel media outlets amplified the new talking points that acknowledged a deepening hunger crisis but pinned the blame on the UN. Fox News ran a headline, “US-backed org sounds the alarm over abandoned aid for Gaza, calls for UN collaboration.” The Forward wrote, “Head of embattled Gaza aid program tells Jewish group starvation is ‘real’—but blames the United Nations and Hamas.” The Jerusalem Post wrote, “IDF: No famine in Gaza, but if UN keeps holding back 950 trucks, could be.”
Israel’s Hasbara communications kicked into full gear, as popular pro-Israel X users began sharing the aerial video with a near-identical caption. The posts all included the claim of “950 trucks.” Most described how the aid was “rotting in the sun.” Nearly all repeat the same phrases—“inspected and approved by Israel,” “on the Gazan side of the Kerem Shalom crossing,” “the UN refuses to distribute them.” Some posts were verbatim copies; others swapped in slight variations like “sit decaying” or “obscene amount of aid,” but the core language remained uniform. On Thursday, US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee and AIPAC shared the video on X with the same message.
Since Israel dismantled the aid network overseen by the UN and imposed a full-spectrum blockade on March 2, it has barred UN access, layered on logistical and bureaucratic obstacles, and opened fire on crowds gathering at UN convoys, including on July 20, when Israeli forces killed 81 people. Senior Israeli military officials have now admitted they found no evidence Hamas systematically stole UN aid —the justification for dismantling UNRWA—and acknowledged that the UN’s delivery system was largely effective in reaching Gaza’s starving population. Meanwhile, an internal US government analysis also found no evidence of systematic theft by Hamas of U.S.-funded humanitarian supplies.
With the new message out, pro-Israel politicians, influencers, and media outlets began openly acknowledging starvation in Gaza for the first time, despite over a year of warnings about the eventuality from international humanitarian organizations. On May 10, 2025, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC)—the world’s leading authority on food emergencies—found that the entire territory was at “critical” risk of famine. Days before that, The Free Press had run a piece titled “The Gaza Famine Myth.” But, last Thursday, as the narrative turned, The Free Press published an article by Amit Segal—described by The New Yorker’s David Remnick as “a kind of messenger for [Netanyahu’s] thinking”—declaring that while “there have been tremendous lies,” now the starvation threat was real.
The narrative push reached its apex at the end of last week with back-to-back Wall Street Journal op-eds. The first by Yasser Abu Shabab—the leader of an Israeli-backed militia in Gaza that the UN has accused of looting aid convoys under Israel’s watch—cast his group as a pragmatic, homegrown partner in restoring order. He painted the UN as an institution infiltrated by Hamas, claiming it “still controls aid access and dominates institutions like the U.N. Relief and Works Agency,” and promoted Israel’s so-called “humanitarian city” plan. “We have already received requests from many families to relocate to eastern Rafah.… Within months, more than 600,000 people—nearly a third of Gaza’s population—could be living outside the cycle of war,” Shabab wrote, though Israeli news reports have claimed he’s illiterate.
The next day, GHF Director Johnnie Moore followed with his own op-ed, “The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation Can Feed Starving Gazans,” presenting the organization as the only actor capable of feeding Gaza “securely and at scale.” His message combined urgency with a forward-looking appeal: “If there was ever a time for unity over bureaucracy, courage over caution, pragmatism over politics, and mission over ego, it is now,” Moore wrote. “To the UN and others across the humanitarian community, we say: Our door is open.”
The “Humanitarian” Efforts of Chapin Fay and Jenn Counter
On July 16, as reports began to circulate of a stampede at a GHF site that left at least 21 dead, a new representative appeared in a video published on the GHF’s X page: Chapin Fay. Introducing himself as a spokesperson for the GHF, Fay described that morning’s incident as a “calculated provocation” by Hamas operatives who had allegedly infiltrated the crowd to sow chaos and undermine the GHF. He denied that guards used tear gas, despite widespread reports to the contrary, and claimed only warning shots had been fired.
Fay quickly became a regular presence on the GHF’s X page. On July 20, the day Israeli forces massacred 81 people at a UN aid convoy, he made his first appearance in Gaza, wearing a bulletproof vest and flanked by smiling Palestinian families at the GHF’s Khan Younis distribution hub, where he claimed the team had delivered over 2 million meals. Fay claimed the GHF had set aside boxes so women and children could access them safely, and they soon promoted a “Women’s Only” day at the Saudi district GHF aid site, where Israeli forces shot two women dead. The GHF’s video from that day shows women “expressing their gratitude for our efforts.” Fay uses his video appearances on the ground in Gaza and from a studio in Tel Aviv to promote the GHF’s talking points—the “successful” aid deliveries, the “grateful Palestinians,” the “abandoned” UN aid trucks, the Hamas “disinformation” campaign—and to deny any GHF role in the regular shootings or the deepening starvation.
There’s no record of Fay working in humanitarian aid before this month. On LinkedIn, where his headline reads “Warrior Poet,” he describes himself as a “high-level media strategist, political consultant and crisis counselor,” and says he’s been running Lighthouse Public Affairs since 2020. A longtime Republican operative, Fay worked on Lee Zeldin’s 2013–2014 congressional campaign; Zeldin—who currently serves as EPA administrator in the Trump administration—would go on to become one of Israel’s staunchest supporters in Congress. In 2019, City & State named Fay New York’s top Republican consultant. As recently as four months ago, he appeared on Bloomberg Television as a “Republican Strategist” to defend Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s sweeping cuts to Health and Human Services.
Chapin Fay’s promotional picture as the CEO of Lighthouse Public Affairs, a PR firm specializing in strategic communications. (Source: Lighthouse Public Affairs Website)
The GHF’s aid effort has been orchestrated by a web of private contractors and politically connected firms. Several figures have worked at entities involved in both the design and implementation phases, including Jenn Counter, an Air Force veteran and self-described strategic communications expert who “builds offensive campaigns that force adversaries into a defensive role.” She was a longtime vice president at Orbis Operations, the intelligence contractor that worked with Israeli authorities to design the GHF as early as January 2024. In November, Orbis spun out a new company, Safe Reach Solutions (SRS), created to take over implementation by serving as the GHF’s primary contractor inside Gaza, with former Orbis VP and CIA officer Philip Reilly installed as CEO. Two months later, Counter followed Reilly to SRS and joined as a "Subject Matter Expert"—further solidifying the closed loop of influence in which the very people who designed the GHF are now running it—and has since helped to ensure the aid apparatus remains firmly tethered to Israeli and U.S. strategic aims.
In addition to her work with the militarized aid operation in Gaza, Counter serves as a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Forward Defense group, which aims to “promote an enduring military advantage for the United States, its allies, and partners.” The group, per the Council’s promotional material, “facilitates government and private sector collaboration to strengthen the defense industrial base, overcome barriers to innovation adoption, and navigate resource tradeoffs to field capabilities in relevant timeframes.”
In December 2024, as the Orbis-designed “humanitarian” plan transitioned into its operational phase under Safe Reach Solutions—one month before Counter made the jump—she co-authored a piece for the Council titled "Over-the-horizon counterterrorism does not work. It's time for a new approach." She argued that the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 signaled to terrorist groups that the West had moved on, and that intelligence and counterterrorism resources had thinned dangerously. “The ongoing fighting between Israel and the consortium of Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthis, and various Sunni groups such as the Palestinian Islamic Jihad,” she wrote, “inspires and mobilizes previously dormant or undermanned groups globally, providing a rallying call against Western interests.” She called for rebuilding source networks through partnerships with local security services, funding grassroots groups to weaken militant recruitment, and supporting Israeli efforts to degrade regional threats.
Counter’s writing frames foreign civilian environments, especially conflict zones, as strategic sites for intelligence gathering and advancing the U.S.’s national security interests. That framing appears consistent with how the GHF operates on the ground. A contractor for UG Solutions, the private security firm working at GHF sites, told the Associated Press that cameras monitor each distribution point in real time, with American analysts and Israeli soldiers watching the feeds together in a control room. Some of the video streams, he said, are labeled “analytics” and equipped with facial recognition software.
In one of Counter’s LinkedIn posts, she argued that in conflicts like Gaza, “it doesn’t matter what the details are” because people “fit the narrative to what they want to believe”—in that case, whether the IDF was responsible for civilian deaths. She highlighted claims that Hamas steals aid and resells it at inflated prices, and criticized the UN for failing to “name and shame Hamas” the way it does Israel. She praised Israel’s “hybrid warfare” pager attack in Lebanon—which killed and maimed civilians and violated international law—writing that her “intel officer side... is in awe that it actually worked.” During the height of the campus protests in the U.S., she questioned whether student activists were receiving outside funding.
Counter is also a course associate in Columbia’s School of Professional Studies’ Strategic Communications department—where she also graduated from—which boasts that it develops “the next generation of leaders in the global communication field.” She’s been with the university since 2020 and is scheduled to teach a class this fall. A Columbia official confirmed these details, noting that while Counter is not the lead instructor and doesn’t develop the curriculum, she does engage directly with students.
On her faculty page, where students considering her class would find her bio, there is an article she authored in 2021: “Rules of Offensive Influence.” “Influence is a long-term effort and inherently political in nature, not a one-off event that is grounded in military objectives,” Counter writes in the piece originally published on Strike Source. “Even tactical military propaganda should support a longer-term strategy and goal to be most impactful.”
She then offers 16 rules for creating, implementing, and adapting offensive influence campaigns: a playbook that closely tracks the effort to delegitimize the UN’s existing aid network, install the GHF in its place, and control the humanitarian narrative in Gaza. She advises practitioners to “use divides in society to build support, seed dis- and misinformation to mislead and manipulate, and co-opt community groups to do what you want.” Campaigns should focus on a few emotionally charged concepts “based on historical ills that plague the group,” and then A/B tested for impact and used to “discredit the adversary and their place within the community.” Messaging should be layered across platforms, voiced by different actors—including local figures, politicians, and members of civil society—and rotated to keep the adversary “always on the defensive. The goal is not to counter your adversary. Your goal is to dominate your adversary,” denying them the “time, bandwidth, or opportunity” to advance their own narrative.
Counter also stresses the need to “plan to fill the power vacuum… The backfill needs to be established and ready to go well before the adversary is" removed. The negativity, she writes, must “be balanced with the hope that is your vision for the future. People want things to be better, and your … system is the answer.” Nowhere in the piece is there any reference to ethical limits or moral considerations.
Reached for comment, Safe Reach Solutions said, “Jenn Counter’s work has nothing to do with public relations.”
Jennifer Counter’s LinkedIn page, where she advertises her expertise in strategic communications and offensive influence (Source: LinkedIn Website).
Columbia and Academics for Genocide
The student activists at Columbia—like countless others around the world—warned from the start that Israel was waging a war of extermination in Gaza. The footage and testimony by Palestinians in Gaza made it plain. So did the statements from Israeli leaders. The media, rather than focus on the substance of the protests and the often violent crackdown on the encampments, disproportionately covered isolated incidents of antisemitism and disorder, and centered students who claimed the demonstrations made them feel unsafe. Today, with more than 60,000 killed in Gaza (a figure widely acknowledged to be a vast undercount), mass starvation deepening under a months-long blockade, and no ceasefire in sight, many of the students whose warnings now appear prescient have faced disciplinary action.
On July 22, Columbia expelled or suspended more than 70 student activists for peacefully occupying a campus library. Many of them have struggled to find work and internships after they were doxxed and baselessly accused of antisemitism and support for terror.
Meanwhile, Jenn Counter, an information warfare specialist tied to two firms behind Gaza’s militarized aid operation, remains employed by Columbia. Asked to comment, a Columbia official declined to address any aspects of the story outside of confirming her employment details. When pressed on whether the university considers what part-time faculty do outside the classroom—just as it scrutinizes students—the official replied only: “It’s pretty common for our part-time employees to have other jobs.”
This fall, Counter is scheduled to teach strategic communications at Columbia once again—now with a new case study in hand.
 

niniveh

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Jun 8, 2009
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Until Western countries cut off all diplomatic ties and stop doing business with this rogue state, its all hot air.

Hasbara In Action: Ha'aretz

Haaretz | Israel News
Analysis | Israel Is Turning Gaza Famine Into a Hasbara War. It Won't Make It Less Real

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Dahlia Scheindlin

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Aug 1, 2025 1:14 am IDT

One story dominated Israeli headlines this week, in Israeli radio, news portals, television outlets. The former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett was on the case, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Coordinator for Government Activities in the Territories. The story was not about famine and starvation in Gaza. It was about how the world is conspiring against Israel to invent famine and starvation in Gaza.
 

niniveh

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Fixed it for you.
Canadian msm Kowtow To Hasbara: Surprised?


The Conversation

Flawed notions of objectivity are hampering Canadian newsrooms when it comes to Gaza
Published: July 31, 2025 9.39am EDT
Author
  1. Gabriela Perdomo
    Assistant Professor, Mount Royal University
Disclosure statement
Gabriela Perdomo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
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The response of Canada’s legacy news media to the Israeli government’s military action in Gaza for more than 640 days points to a problem within major Canadian news organizations, according to a new Canadian book, When Genocide Wasn’t News.
In the book, journalists — some writing under pseudonyms — say their newsrooms have been severely hampered by a culture of fear and an adherence to a notion of objectivity that no longer serves the public.
Israel’s relentless military actions in the Gaza Strip following the Oct. 7, 2023 attack and taking of 251 hostages by Hamas should be prominently featured news. The Israeli Defence Forces’ illegal attacks on children, hospitals and aid workers should also be making constant headlines. But news coverage on these attacks is scarce or misleading.
I research and teach media, monitor the news and edit an online publication about journalism in Canada. My PhD thesis focused on Latin America and examined how the mandate to be objective can be confusing in times of war. I also explored questions about how journalists understand and apply objectivity in different contexts.
I found journalists who support peace efforts can easily be accused of being “biased” in favour of those promoting peace.
A woman in blue speaks to a woman wearing a black headscarf.

Broadcaster Amy Goodman, host of Democracy Now!, at a protest for peace encampment at Columbia University, New York, on April 29, 2024.. (AP Photo/Ted Shaffrey)Not all wars covered equally
Not all wars are covered the same. Noureddine Miladi, a media and communications professor at Qatar University, found Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 received far greater coverage in mainstream media than the war in Gaza. Part of this difference in coverage lies in the ability to send reporters to cover events first hand, which is impossible in the Gaza Strip, where outside journalists are banned from entry.
Our mission is to share knowledge and inform decisions.
About us
Read more: The chilling effects of trying to report on the Israel-Gaza war
Another major factor affecting coverage is how newsrooms understand and apply their norms, including objectivity. Journalism production is influenced and impacted by the dynamics of place and power that surround it.
As Carleton University journalism professor Duncan McCue argues, an unexamined adherence to objectivity can perpetuate colonial points of view. University of British Columbia journalism professors Candis Callison and Mary Lynn Young, authors of a book about journalism’s racial reckoning in Canada, also make this argument.
Accusations of antisemitism
Accusations of bias can have an outsized impact on reporting and be used to silence journalists.
According to some journalists, there is an atmosphere of fear when it comes to reporting on the Middle East in mainstream newsrooms in Canada. Some have self-censored in response to threats.
Not only do journalists say they are facing threats, they also face a context in which governments, such as the province of Ontario, are adhering to definitions of antisemitism that equate it to criticism of Israel.
In Canada, news organizations and individual journalists attempting to report on the violence in the Gaza Strip are being accused of antisemitism by groups such as Honest Reporting, according to the Canada Press Freedom Project. This means almost anyone reporting on the Israeli government’s actions in Gaza will receive hundreds of messages claiming the report is antisemitic.
Since many scholars and the United Nations Special Committee to investigate Israeli practices have called the Israeli government’s methods “consistent with genocide, including use of starvation as weapon of war,” urgent reporting is needed — and it’s not antisemitism to call out what experts have labelled global injustices.
Protesters at a rally

Protesters during a rally supporting Palestinians in Taipei, Taiwan, in April 2025. (AP Photo/Chiang Ying-ying)Left-wing bias?
The culmination of decades of this type of criticism of news media has included a right-wing narrative that accuses media of a liberal bias. The trope of the liberal media as a threat has had a steady hold of the public imagination across North America since the Cold War.
Reporters who focused on stories about human rights, questioned the tactics and budgets of the military industrial complex or challenged the mistreatment of socialist activists as being unpatriotic were accused of having a liberal, left-wing, even communist, slant.
This isn’t a phemomenon limited to North America. Latin American politicians have a long history of using “left-wing bias” labels as a powerful tool to intimidate journalists.
Read more: How news coverage influences countries' emergency aid budgets – new research
What do journalists owe peace?
Research shows that audiences value objective journalism, or reporting that they deem non-partisan and keeps opinions at bay. But consumers also increasingly value journalism that is empathetic and emotionally resonant.
After United States President Donald Trump was first elected in 2016, journalism scholars recognized that a major failure of news coverage during the presidential campaign was not calling things what they were. For example, journalists used euphemisms such as “he misspoke” instead of reporting that Trump was lying, contributing to a crisis of relevance in journalism.

Book cover, ‘When Genocide Wasn’t News,’ published by Breach books on July 10, 2025.
According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, the Israel-Gaza war has killed more journalists than in any other conflict it’s documented. But the allegedly deliberate targeting of journalists in Gaza, of whom at least 225 have been killed, has garnered little attention in newsrooms, despite calls by dozens of independent journalists to make the issue more visible.
This is another unprecedented set of events that should be reported on for Canadian audiences.
How will Canadian newsrooms do better? One idea could be that newsrooms join forces to fend off accusations of bias and antisemitism. They could start with reclaiming objectivity as a practice of information-gathering and moving away from objectivity as an ideal of dispassionate reporting.
They could also embrace, instead of fear, journalism’s liberal roots and reclaim journalism from a standpoint of clarity where actions against the rule of law, abuses of power, war profiteering, crimes against humanity — any illiberal acts — clearly fall on the wrong side of the liberal-democratic balance and therefore demand to be denounced. As veteran CBC journalist Carol Off has said, we need to denounce illiberal acts as anti-democratic ideology.
Every inhabitant of Gaza remains in imminent peril today, and the media have a responsibility to inform us about it.
 
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There's always a convenient fall-back, when everything else fails.

For the hasbara: ANTISEMITISM

For Trump: FENTANYL


Trump Hikes Tariffs on Canada to 35 Percent


Canada will see tariffs on its exports to the U.S. rise to 35 percent as President Trump followed through on his earlier threat to increase the rate from the current 25 percent. The White House cited Canada’s “failure” to curb cross-border fentanyl trafficking and Ottawa’s continued use of counter-tariffs as reasons for the hike. Products covered under the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement will remain exempt from tariffs.
Trump said tariffs on Mexico—which, like Canada, had so far been subject to 25 percent tariffs—will not be raised for 90 days after he spoke with Mexico’s president by phone.
Why It Matters: Hours before the announcement, U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick noted that Canada is the only country besides China that has issued counter-tariffs, and that Ottawa’s recognition of Palestinian statehood is “tone deaf.” Trump said however that Ottawa’s decision on Palestine was “not a deal breaker.”
 
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Canadian msm Kowtow To Hasbara: Surprised?


The Conversation

Flawed notions of objectivity are hampering Canadian newsrooms when it comes to Gaza
Published: July 31, 2025 9.39am EDT
Author
  1. Gabriela Perdomo
    Assistant Professor, Mount Royal University
Disclosure statement
Gabriela Perdomo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Partners
View attachment 468170
Mount Royal University provides funding as a member of The Conversation CA.
Mount Royal University provides funding as a member of The Conversation CA-FR.
View all partners
CC BY ND

We believe in the free flow of information
Republish our articles for free, online or in print, under Creative Commons licence.
Republish this article
Share article
Print article
The response of Canada’s legacy news media to the Israeli government’s military action in Gaza for more than 640 days points to a problem within major Canadian news organizations, according to a new Canadian book, When Genocide Wasn’t News.
In the book, journalists — some writing under pseudonyms — say their newsrooms have been severely hampered by a culture of fear and an adherence to a notion of objectivity that no longer serves the public.
Israel’s relentless military actions in the Gaza Strip following the Oct. 7, 2023 attack and taking of 251 hostages by Hamas should be prominently featured news. The Israeli Defence Forces’ illegal attacks on children, hospitals and aid workers should also be making constant headlines. But news coverage on these attacks is scarce or misleading.
I research and teach media, monitor the news and edit an online publication about journalism in Canada. My PhD thesis focused on Latin America and examined how the mandate to be objective can be confusing in times of war. I also explored questions about how journalists understand and apply objectivity in different contexts.
I found journalists who support peace efforts can easily be accused of being “biased” in favour of those promoting peace.
A woman in blue speaks to a woman wearing a black headscarf.

Broadcaster Amy Goodman, host of Democracy Now!, at a protest for peace encampment at Columbia University, New York, on April 29, 2024.. (AP Photo/Ted Shaffrey)Not all wars covered equally
Not all wars are covered the same. Noureddine Miladi, a media and communications professor at Qatar University, found Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 received far greater coverage in mainstream media than the war in Gaza. Part of this difference in coverage lies in the ability to send reporters to cover events first hand, which is impossible in the Gaza Strip, where outside journalists are banned from entry.
Our mission is to share knowledge and inform decisions.
About us
Read more: The chilling effects of trying to report on the Israel-Gaza war
Another major factor affecting coverage is how newsrooms understand and apply their norms, including objectivity. Journalism production is influenced and impacted by the dynamics of place and power that surround it.
As Carleton University journalism professor Duncan McCue argues, an unexamined adherence to objectivity can perpetuate colonial points of view. University of British Columbia journalism professors Candis Callison and Mary Lynn Young, authors of a book about journalism’s racial reckoning in Canada, also make this argument.
Accusations of antisemitism
Accusations of bias can have an outsized impact on reporting and be used to silence journalists.
According to some journalists, there is an atmosphere of fear when it comes to reporting on the Middle East in mainstream newsrooms in Canada. Some have self-censored in response to threats.
Not only do journalists say they are facing threats, they also face a context in which governments, such as the province of Ontario, are adhering to definitions of antisemitism that equate it to criticism of Israel.
In Canada, news organizations and individual journalists attempting to report on the violence in the Gaza Strip are being accused of antisemitism by groups such as Honest Reporting, according to the Canada Press Freedom Project. This means almost anyone reporting on the Israeli government’s actions in Gaza will receive hundreds of messages claiming the report is antisemitic.
Since many scholars and the United Nations Special Committee to investigate Israeli practices have called the Israeli government’s methods “consistent with genocide, including use of starvation as weapon of war,” urgent reporting is needed — and it’s not antisemitism to call out what experts have labelled global injustices.
Protesters at a rally

Protesters during a rally supporting Palestinians in Taipei, Taiwan, in April 2025. (AP Photo/Chiang Ying-ying)Left-wing bias?
The culmination of decades of this type of criticism of news media has included a right-wing narrative that accuses media of a liberal bias. The trope of the liberal media as a threat has had a steady hold of the public imagination across North America since the Cold War.
Reporters who focused on stories about human rights, questioned the tactics and budgets of the military industrial complex or challenged the mistreatment of socialist activists as being unpatriotic were accused of having a liberal, left-wing, even communist, slant.
This isn’t a phemomenon limited to North America. Latin American politicians have a long history of using “left-wing bias” labels as a powerful tool to intimidate journalists.
Read more: How news coverage influences countries' emergency aid budgets – new research
What do journalists owe peace?
Research shows that audiences value objective journalism, or reporting that they deem non-partisan and keeps opinions at bay. But consumers also increasingly value journalism that is empathetic and emotionally resonant.
After United States President Donald Trump was first elected in 2016, journalism scholars recognized that a major failure of news coverage during the presidential campaign was not calling things what they were. For example, journalists used euphemisms such as “he misspoke” instead of reporting that Trump was lying, contributing to a crisis of relevance in journalism.

Book cover, ‘When Genocide Wasn’t News,’ published by Breach books on July 10, 2025.
According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, the Israel-Gaza war has killed more journalists than in any other conflict it’s documented. But the allegedly deliberate targeting of journalists in Gaza, of whom at least 225 have been killed, has garnered little attention in newsrooms, despite calls by dozens of independent journalists to make the issue more visible.
This is another unprecedented set of events that should be reported on for Canadian audiences.
How will Canadian newsrooms do better? One idea could be that newsrooms join forces to fend off accusations of bias and antisemitism. They could start with reclaiming objectivity as a practice of information-gathering and moving away from objectivity as an ideal of dispassionate reporting.
They could also embrace, instead of fear, journalism’s liberal roots and reclaim journalism from a standpoint of clarity where actions against the rule of law, abuses of power, war profiteering, crimes against humanity — any illiberal acts — clearly fall on the wrong side of the liberal-democratic balance and therefore demand to be denounced. As veteran CBC journalist Carol Off has said, we need to denounce illiberal acts as anti-democratic ideology.
Every inhabitant of Gaza remains in imminent peril today, and the media have a responsibility to inform us about it.
Though the conversation also published a piece a few days ago trying to argue that its antisemitic to be against genocide in as vague terms as possible.
 

niniveh

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Jun 8, 2009
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BJP & Maha Saba Have Their Own Hasbara


In Delhi and New York, Hindu Right Wing Lines Up Against Mamdani
As Zohran Mamdani gets within striking distance of becoming New York’s first Muslim mayor, he is drawing fire from supporters of India’s populist prime minister, who accuse him of being anti-Hindu.





  • 1
A man in a gray suit, Zohran Mamdani, addresses a group of seated Muslim men, some of whom wear ball caps and others kufis.

Some Hindu American groups accuse Zohran Mamdani, seen here addressing a group of Muslim men in March, of promoting an anti-Hindu agenda.Credit...Andres Kudacki for The New York Times
Pranav Baskar
By Pranav Baskar
Aug. 1, 2025Updated 9:47 a.m. ET

Two days before New York City Democrats went to the polls to select their mayoral nominee in June, a plane flew over the Statue of Liberty trailing a banner attacking the race’s front-runner, Zohran Mamdani.
“Save NYC from global intifada,” it read in letters five feet high. “Reject Mamdani.”
The banner, seemingly aimed at the city’s Jewish voters, touched on the campaign’s most charged foreign policy issue: Mr. Mamdani’s criticism of Israel. But the group behind it wasn’t Jewish or Israeli. Its members are Indian-American Hindus, who accuse Mr. Mamdani of pushing an anti-Hindu and anti-Indian agenda.
For years, Mr. Mamdani, a Muslim, has assailed the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India, a populist whose political ideology inextricably links nationalism with Hinduism at the expense of the country’s Muslim minority.
Image
Women in brightly colored head scarves and veils carry campaign signs.

Muslim members of a South Asian political group at a rally for Mr. Mamdani in Brooklyn. New York’s South Asian community is divided over the candidate, partly along religious lines.Credit...Jonah Rosenberg for The New York Times
Mr. Mamdani in May called the prime minister a “war criminal.” Previously, he lobbied to stop Mr. Modi from visiting New York, and demanded that a state assemblywoman return campaign contributions from Indian Americans whom he characterized as “Hindu fascists.”



While campaigning for the State Assembly in 2020, Mr. Mamdani attended a demonstration in Times Square at which a group protesting the construction of a Hindu temple on the site of a onetime mosque in India chanted, “Who are Hindus? Bastards!
Mr. Mamdani has never publicly condemned those remarks, and his campaign declined to comment when asked about them.
Image
A large crowd celebrates the arrival of a man, Narendra Modi, with confetti.

For years, Mr. Mamdani has assailed the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India, center, a populist whose political ideology inextricably links nationalism with Hinduism.Credit...Atul Loke for The New York Times
Now, Mr. Mamdani is within striking distance of becoming the city’s first Muslim and first person of South Asian heritage to become mayor, and he finds himself on the receiving end of attacks by an army of Modi supporters, both in India and the United States.



The efforts reveal how sectarian politics in Delhi can affect an election in New York. In India, attacks on Mr. Mamdani blare from pro-Modi news outlets across millions of TVs and smartphones. In the United States, Indian American groups, some with direct ties to Mr. Modi and his governing Bharatiya Janata Party, are taking a more subtle approach — raising money for Mr. Mamdani’s opponents.
Sign up for the Race/Related Newsletter Join a deep and provocative exploration of race, identity and society with New York Times journalists. Get it sent to your inbox.
“There were simultaneous campaigns by India-based Hindu nationalists and U.S.-based Hindu groups, pushing the idea that he would be an anti-Hindu candidate,” said Raqib Naik, the director of the Center for the Study of Organized Hate, a watchdog group that tracks Islamophobia online.
Despite such attacks, Mr. Mamdani has found passionate support among many South Asians in New York. Younger, working-class, Muslim and liberal South Asians are energized by the possibility that New York could have its first South Asian mayor, even if some Indian Americans think his views are anti-Hindu. Mr. Mamdani won by large margins in some neighborhoods with sizable South Asian populations, and he captured 52 percent of all first-choice votes cast in majority-Asian neighborhoods.
Mr. Mamdani, in western business dress, greets South Asia New Yorkers, wearing more traditional garb, at a street market.

Mr. Mamdani appeals to some South Asian New Yorkers, like these Muslims with whom he met in June, the night before Eid al-Adha. Other voters in the diaspora find his actions anti-Hindu. Credit...Shuran Huang for The New York Times
New York City’s roughly 447,064 South Asian residents are an important pool of voters, but they are hardly a monolithic bloc, and it is hard to predict the effect Hindu opposition might have on Mr. Mamdani’s electoral chances. (Between 2023 and 2024, the Pew Research Center estimated that Hindus make up 2 percent of New York’s metropolitan population, and other survey data places the number of Hindu adherents in the city at close to 80,000.)



New York is America’s largest city and financial capital, affording its mayor an outsized role on the world stage. As Mr. Mamdani prepares for the general election and tries to reassure moderate Democrats that he is a viable contender, he is also facing the ire of a party machine a world away.
The anti-Mamdani message comes from the top. A B.J.P. national spokeswoman, Sanju Verma, recently called Mr. Mamdani a “Hinduphobic bigot” and “a rabid liar.”
Those talking points have been amplified to a global audience by a network of pro-Modi outlets and influencers.
Image
Four people, including Narendra Modi and Eric Adams, are seated on a stage. A banner behind them reads, “International Day of Yoga.”

Mr. Modi, second from left, shared a stage in 2003 with Mayor Eric Adams, right. Mr. Adams, running as a independent, has been supported by some Hindu American groups.Credit...Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images
One anchor at a pro-Modi television network recently called Mr. Mamdani a “part-time revolutionary, full-time Modi baiter.” Another announcer said Mr. Mamdani associated “with Pakistani lobbyists in the United States,” suggesting that the candidate would promote the interests of India’s longtime rival.



According to data reviewed by The Times and compiled by The Center for the Study of Organized Hate, in the weeks between June 13 and June 30, more than 600 posts criticizing Mr. Mamdani were uploaded to X from known right-wing accounts in India and global profiles associated with Hindu nationalism, some with hundreds of thousands of followers.
Rohit Chopra, a professor at Santa Clara University who studies Hindu nationalism, said Mr. Mamdani’s Muslim identity and sharp criticism of Mr. Modi have been enough to “discredit him among Indian Americans while also being played to maximum effect for political capital within India.”
Image
The skyline of Kampala, Uganda. Most of the buildings are just a few stories.

Mr. Mamdani, 33, was born in Kampala Uganda, seen here, but his father is from Gujarat, Mr. Modi’s home state, where hundreds of people, many of them Muslim, were killed in riots in 2002. Credit...Stuart Tibaweswa for The New York Times
His parents’ backgrounds have provided additional ammunition for the Hindu right. Mr. Mamdani, 33, was born in Uganda, but his father is from Gujarat, Mr. Modi’s home state, where hundreds of people, many of them Muslim, were killed in riots in 2002. His mother, the filmmaker Mira Nair, is a doyenne of India’s progressive left.
In the United States, the distrust of Mr. Mamdani among some Hindus has motivated on-the-ground political action, and those efforts have been supercharged by diaspora groups’ close ties to Mr. Modi and his party.



The Gujarati Samaj of New York, an Indian cultural center in Queens with about 4,000 members, exemplifies the U.S. groups that are in close contact with Mr. Modi and are actively supporting Mr. Mamdani’s opponents.
Samaj members visited Mr. Modi in India in February and remain “in touch” with him, speaking to him “directly,” the group’s president, Harshad Patel, said. In July, members held a fund-raiser for Mayor Eric Adams, the incumbent running against Mr. Mamdani as an independent. In 2023, Mr. Adams shared a stage with Mr. Modi at the U.N.’s International Yoga Day.
Image
A an aerial banner reading, “Save NYC from global intifada. Reject Mamdani, flies past the Statue of Liberty.

A handout photo from the political action committee Indian Americans for Cuomo shows the aerial banner the group paid for before the New York City Democratic primary.Credit...Indian Americans for Cuomo
Satya Dosapati, the founder of the Indian Americans for Cuomo PAC, which paid for the aerial banner over the Statue of Liberty, previously led protests against the University of Pennsylvania when Mr. Modi was dropped as a speaker there in 2013.
The Hindu American Foundation, whose members maintain relationships with the Indian government and which is the largest Hindu advocacy organization in the United States, was co-founded by Mihir Meghani, who wrote a Hindu nationalist essay adopted by the B.J.P.



The foundation has not taken a public position on Mr. Mamdani’s campaign, but its director, Suhag Shukla, attacked Mr. Mamdani in an online post as “an entitled, dilettante” and said in a statement that he has used “demonizing rhetoric” against Hindus. Other former and current leaders of the foundation have also criticized the candidate online.
Mr. Mamdani, now running in a general election and seeking a broader base of support, said recently that he would “discourage” using the controversial phrase “globalize the intifada,” which inspired the banner over the Statue of Liberty. Many see the statement as a call for violence.
The question remains whether Mr. Mamdani will similarly temper his criticism of Mr. Modi as November’s vote approaches. He declined a request to be interviewed for this article.
Since the clip of Mr. Mamdani calling the prime minister a war criminal went viral among Hindu voters, Mr. Mamdani has been less vocal about Indian politics
 

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BJP & Maha Saba Have Their Own Hasbara


In Delhi and New York, Hindu Right Wing Lines Up Against Mamdani
As Zohran Mamdani gets within striking distance of becoming New York’s first Muslim mayor, he is drawing fire from supporters of India’s populist prime minister, who accuse him of being anti-Hindu.





  • 1
A man in a gray suit, Zohran Mamdani, addresses a group of seated Muslim men, some of whom wear ball caps and others kufis.

Some Hindu American groups accuse Zohran Mamdani, seen here addressing a group of Muslim men in March, of promoting an anti-Hindu agenda.Credit...Andres Kudacki for The New York Times
Pranav Baskar
By Pranav Baskar
Aug. 1, 2025Updated 9:47 a.m. ET

Two days before New York City Democrats went to the polls to select their mayoral nominee in June, a plane flew over the Statue of Liberty trailing a banner attacking the race’s front-runner, Zohran Mamdani.
“Save NYC from global intifada,” it read in letters five feet high. “Reject Mamdani.”
The banner, seemingly aimed at the city’s Jewish voters, touched on the campaign’s most charged foreign policy issue: Mr. Mamdani’s criticism of Israel. But the group behind it wasn’t Jewish or Israeli. Its members are Indian-American Hindus, who accuse Mr. Mamdani of pushing an anti-Hindu and anti-Indian agenda.
For years, Mr. Mamdani, a Muslim, has assailed the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India, a populist whose political ideology inextricably links nationalism with Hinduism at the expense of the country’s Muslim minority.
Image
Women in brightly colored head scarves and veils carry campaign signs.

Muslim members of a South Asian political group at a rally for Mr. Mamdani in Brooklyn. New York’s South Asian community is divided over the candidate, partly along religious lines.Credit...Jonah Rosenberg for The New York Times
Mr. Mamdani in May called the prime minister a “war criminal.” Previously, he lobbied to stop Mr. Modi from visiting New York, and demanded that a state assemblywoman return campaign contributions from Indian Americans whom he characterized as “Hindu fascists.”



While campaigning for the State Assembly in 2020, Mr. Mamdani attended a demonstration in Times Square at which a group protesting the construction of a Hindu temple on the site of a onetime mosque in India chanted, “Who are Hindus? Bastards!
Mr. Mamdani has never publicly condemned those remarks, and his campaign declined to comment when asked about them.
Image
A large crowd celebrates the arrival of a man, Narendra Modi, with confetti.

For years, Mr. Mamdani has assailed the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India, center, a populist whose political ideology inextricably links nationalism with Hinduism.Credit...Atul Loke for The New York Times
Now, Mr. Mamdani is within striking distance of becoming the city’s first Muslim and first person of South Asian heritage to become mayor, and he finds himself on the receiving end of attacks by an army of Modi supporters, both in India and the United States.



The efforts reveal how sectarian politics in Delhi can affect an election in New York. In India, attacks on Mr. Mamdani blare from pro-Modi news outlets across millions of TVs and smartphones. In the United States, Indian American groups, some with direct ties to Mr. Modi and his governing Bharatiya Janata Party, are taking a more subtle approach — raising money for Mr. Mamdani’s opponents.
Sign up for the Race/Related Newsletter Join a deep and provocative exploration of race, identity and society with New York Times journalists. Get it sent to your inbox.
“There were simultaneous campaigns by India-based Hindu nationalists and U.S.-based Hindu groups, pushing the idea that he would be an anti-Hindu candidate,” said Raqib Naik, the director of the Center for the Study of Organized Hate, a watchdog group that tracks Islamophobia online.
Despite such attacks, Mr. Mamdani has found passionate support among many South Asians in New York. Younger, working-class, Muslim and liberal South Asians are energized by the possibility that New York could have its first South Asian mayor, even if some Indian Americans think his views are anti-Hindu. Mr. Mamdani won by large margins in some neighborhoods with sizable South Asian populations, and he captured 52 percent of all first-choice votes cast in majority-Asian neighborhoods.
Mr. Mamdani, in western business dress, greets South Asia New Yorkers, wearing more traditional garb, at a street market.

Mr. Mamdani appeals to some South Asian New Yorkers, like these Muslims with whom he met in June, the night before Eid al-Adha. Other voters in the diaspora find his actions anti-Hindu. Credit...Shuran Huang for The New York Times
New York City’s roughly 447,064 South Asian residents are an important pool of voters, but they are hardly a monolithic bloc, and it is hard to predict the effect Hindu opposition might have on Mr. Mamdani’s electoral chances. (Between 2023 and 2024, the Pew Research Center estimated that Hindus make up 2 percent of New York’s metropolitan population, and other survey data places the number of Hindu adherents in the city at close to 80,000.)



New York is America’s largest city and financial capital, affording its mayor an outsized role on the world stage. As Mr. Mamdani prepares for the general election and tries to reassure moderate Democrats that he is a viable contender, he is also facing the ire of a party machine a world away.
The anti-Mamdani message comes from the top. A B.J.P. national spokeswoman, Sanju Verma, recently called Mr. Mamdani a “Hinduphobic bigot” and “a rabid liar.”
Those talking points have been amplified to a global audience by a network of pro-Modi outlets and influencers.
Image
Four people, including Narendra Modi and Eric Adams, are seated on a stage. A banner behind them reads, “International Day of Yoga.”

Mr. Modi, second from left, shared a stage in 2003 with Mayor Eric Adams, right. Mr. Adams, running as a independent, has been supported by some Hindu American groups.Credit...Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images
One anchor at a pro-Modi television network recently called Mr. Mamdani a “part-time revolutionary, full-time Modi baiter.” Another announcer said Mr. Mamdani associated “with Pakistani lobbyists in the United States,” suggesting that the candidate would promote the interests of India’s longtime rival.



According to data reviewed by The Times and compiled by The Center for the Study of Organized Hate, in the weeks between June 13 and June 30, more than 600 posts criticizing Mr. Mamdani were uploaded to X from known right-wing accounts in India and global profiles associated with Hindu nationalism, some with hundreds of thousands of followers.
Rohit Chopra, a professor at Santa Clara University who studies Hindu nationalism, said Mr. Mamdani’s Muslim identity and sharp criticism of Mr. Modi have been enough to “discredit him among Indian Americans while also being played to maximum effect for political capital within India.”
Image
The skyline of Kampala, Uganda. Most of the buildings are just a few stories.

Mr. Mamdani, 33, was born in Kampala Uganda, seen here, but his father is from Gujarat, Mr. Modi’s home state, where hundreds of people, many of them Muslim, were killed in riots in 2002. Credit...Stuart Tibaweswa for The New York Times
His parents’ backgrounds have provided additional ammunition for the Hindu right. Mr. Mamdani, 33, was born in Uganda, but his father is from Gujarat, Mr. Modi’s home state, where hundreds of people, many of them Muslim, were killed in riots in 2002. His mother, the filmmaker Mira Nair, is a doyenne of India’s progressive left.
In the United States, the distrust of Mr. Mamdani among some Hindus has motivated on-the-ground political action, and those efforts have been supercharged by diaspora groups’ close ties to Mr. Modi and his party.



The Gujarati Samaj of New York, an Indian cultural center in Queens with about 4,000 members, exemplifies the U.S. groups that are in close contact with Mr. Modi and are actively supporting Mr. Mamdani’s opponents.
Samaj members visited Mr. Modi in India in February and remain “in touch” with him, speaking to him “directly,” the group’s president, Harshad Patel, said. In July, members held a fund-raiser for Mayor Eric Adams, the incumbent running against Mr. Mamdani as an independent. In 2023, Mr. Adams shared a stage with Mr. Modi at the U.N.’s International Yoga Day.
Image
A an aerial banner reading, “Save NYC from global intifada. Reject Mamdani, flies past the Statue of Liberty.

A handout photo from the political action committee Indian Americans for Cuomo shows the aerial banner the group paid for before the New York City Democratic primary.Credit...Indian Americans for Cuomo
Satya Dosapati, the founder of the Indian Americans for Cuomo PAC, which paid for the aerial banner over the Statue of Liberty, previously led protests against the University of Pennsylvania when Mr. Modi was dropped as a speaker there in 2013.
The Hindu American Foundation, whose members maintain relationships with the Indian government and which is the largest Hindu advocacy organization in the United States, was co-founded by Mihir Meghani, who wrote a Hindu nationalist essay adopted by the B.J.P.



The foundation has not taken a public position on Mr. Mamdani’s campaign, but its director, Suhag Shukla, attacked Mr. Mamdani in an online post as “an entitled, dilettante” and said in a statement that he has used “demonizing rhetoric” against Hindus. Other former and current leaders of the foundation have also criticized the candidate online.
Mr. Mamdani, now running in a general election and seeking a broader base of support, said recently that he would “discourage” using the controversial phrase “globalize the intifada,” which inspired the banner over the Statue of Liberty. Many see the statement as a call for violence.
The question remains whether Mr. Mamdani will similarly temper his criticism of Mr. Modi as November’s vote approaches. He declined a request to be interviewed for this article.
Since the clip of Mr. Mamdani calling the prime minister a war criminal went viral among Hindu voters, Mr. Mamdani has been less vocal about Indian politics
Modi is IDU, like Steven Harper.

 
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Seymour Hersh

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IS ISRAEL ON THE VERGE OF ANNEXATION?
Religious extremists may force Netanyahu's hand in Gaza
Seymour Hersh
Aug 01, 2025
∙ Paid




On Wednesday in southern Israel, an explosion is seen over the Gaza Strip as right-wing Israeli activists march during a rally calling to resettle the north of Gaza. / Photo by Amir Levy/Getty Images.
As the world recoils from the stark photos of the starving Palestinians in Gaza, Israel’s religious far right is increasingly insisting in public that the fate of the at least twenty hostages still believed to be alive can no longer delay Israel’s annexation of parts of Gaza that its settlers controlled until 2005. The war of revenge that was started in part to save the then hundreds of hostages captive in Gaza is no longer of interest to the very devout in Israel.
In desperate need for the political support of the religious right, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu recently sent a high-level team to Washington seeking US approval for what I have been told is a take-it-or-leave-it approach to the leadership of Hamas. Their demands include Hamas’s surrender as well as the release of all living hostages and the bodies of the dead within weeks or Israel will begin unilaterally annexing parts of Gaza.
 
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